Women Activist in International Arena
Fariba Davoodi Mohajer
Fariba Davoodi Mohajer
Fariba
Davoodi Mohajer, 43, is one of the most outspoken leaders in Iran. A
diminutive, almost winsome blonde, Mohajer is no stranger to arrest: She
was summoned and interrogated on the eve of an important protest last
June 2007
On a cold winter day, Iranian women's rights activist and journalist Fariba Davoodi Mohajer made an about-face: Having worn the hijab for 25 years, she decided to cast her head scarf into the sea.
That was in 2006. But she still remembers every detail of that day in Ireland: how she walked along the seaport in Dublin for several hours pondering the act; how she watched as her head scarf was pulled away by the waves.
Above all, she remembers how for the first time she felt the wind blowing in her hair, a feeling she had long dreamed about.
"For a moment, I felt that there was no greater pleasure in the world than the feeling of the wind in my hair," Davoodi Mohajer says.
The hijab, which Davoodi Mohajer had worn since the age of 13, had come to her to symbolize all the discrimination and injustice women are subjected to in Iran in the name of Islam.
She started writing about women's rights issues and human-rights abuses in reformist publications and giving speeches at universities and other places.
Her activities and her support for dissident Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri led in 2001 to her arrest, beatings, and 40 days' imprisonment at a security prison controlled by the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC).
There, she says, she realized that even the chador she'd been wearing throughout her adult life provided her no immunity.
"When I used to be a 'chadori' and religious, I was arrested and jailed in a men's prison," Davoodi Mohajer says. "They wouldn't let me shower without the door of the bathroom open. The guard would say, 'You can't close the door, I won't look.' I was being interrogated by a man for long hours."
It made her question the motives of those who advocated such strict dress for women.
"I realized then that the hijab doesn't mean anything to them either," Davoodi Mohajer says. "For those who say hijab must be respected, they don't respect you if you wear the hijab but don't share their political ideas."
see fariba in video linkhttp://www.youtube.com/watch?
facebook members can visit her profile in the link below
http://www.facebook.com/
She and four other women were charged with acting against national security, propaganda against the state and giving interviews and disseminating falsehoods. Her trial is ongoing.
Currently in Washington, D.C., visiting her daughter, Mohajer knows that she might be arrested upon her return to Iran.
In the past, Iranian activists were prohibited from leaving the country. Now, they are encouraged to leave, but often with open court dates on their charges. When activists leave, they're re-arrested and jailed, sometimes for years.
It is a subtle way of eroding dissident leadership.
Still, Human Rights Watch reports that the pace of protests in Iran has quickened.
Taslima Nasreen
On a cold winter day, Iranian women's rights activist and journalist Fariba Davoodi Mohajer made an about-face: Having worn the hijab for 25 years, she decided to cast her head scarf into the sea.
That was in 2006. But she still remembers every detail of that day in Ireland: how she walked along the seaport in Dublin for several hours pondering the act; how she watched as her head scarf was pulled away by the waves.
Above all, she remembers how for the first time she felt the wind blowing in her hair, a feeling she had long dreamed about.
"For a moment, I felt that there was no greater pleasure in the world than the feeling of the wind in my hair," Davoodi Mohajer says.
The hijab, which Davoodi Mohajer had worn since the age of 13, had come to her to symbolize all the discrimination and injustice women are subjected to in Iran in the name of Islam.
She started writing about women's rights issues and human-rights abuses in reformist publications and giving speeches at universities and other places.
Her activities and her support for dissident Grand Ayatollah Hossein Ali Montazeri led in 2001 to her arrest, beatings, and 40 days' imprisonment at a security prison controlled by the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC).
There, she says, she realized that even the chador she'd been wearing throughout her adult life provided her no immunity.
"When I used to be a 'chadori' and religious, I was arrested and jailed in a men's prison," Davoodi Mohajer says. "They wouldn't let me shower without the door of the bathroom open. The guard would say, 'You can't close the door, I won't look.' I was being interrogated by a man for long hours."
It made her question the motives of those who advocated such strict dress for women.
"I realized then that the hijab doesn't mean anything to them either," Davoodi Mohajer says. "For those who say hijab must be respected, they don't respect you if you wear the hijab but don't share their political ideas."
see fariba in video linkhttp://www.youtube.com/watch?
facebook members can visit her profile in the link below
http://www.facebook.com/
She and four other women were charged with acting against national security, propaganda against the state and giving interviews and disseminating falsehoods. Her trial is ongoing.
Currently in Washington, D.C., visiting her daughter, Mohajer knows that she might be arrested upon her return to Iran.
In the past, Iranian activists were prohibited from leaving the country. Now, they are encouraged to leave, but often with open court dates on their charges. When activists leave, they're re-arrested and jailed, sometimes for years.
It is a subtle way of eroding dissident leadership.
Still, Human Rights Watch reports that the pace of protests in Iran has quickened.
Taslima Nasreen
The
president of the All India Ibtehad Council, Taqi Raza Khan said he had
declared a reward of Rs 5 lakh for anyone who killed the "notorious
woman". He claimed a core body of the board comprising 150 ulema,
lawyers, retired IPS officers, doctors and professors had already passed
a resolution to oust Nasreen from India. Khan enjoys wide support among
the Barelvi sect and the issue is likely to generate heat in coming
days, especially with assembly elections round the corner, observers
said.
The president of the All India Ibtehad Council, Taqi Raza Khan, said he had declared the reward for anyone who carried out the "quatal" or "extermination" of the "notorious woman."
"Taslima has put Muslims to shame in her writing. She should be killed and beheaded and anyone who does this will get a reward from the council," he said in a statement received in Lucknow, capital of northern Uttar Pradesh state.
The council, based in the Uttar Pradesh town of Bareilly, is a splinter group of the influential All India Muslim Personal Law Board.
Khan said the only way the bounty would be lifted was if Nasreen "apologises, burns her books and leaves."
The bounty was not a fatwa as Khan, while a cleric, is not senior enough to issue Islamic decrees.
But it drew swift condemnation from one of south Asia's most powerful Muslim seminaries.
The clergy of the Sunni seminary Dar-ul Uloom in Deoband in Uttar Pradesh, a state with a large Muslim population, said the call to behead Nasreen was "un-Islamic" and that clergy should not issue such "fatwas."
Taslima Nasreen is arguably the most famous writer of Bangladesh; by and large for the wrong reasons.
Greater than her writing prowess are her political troubles, which have spread her name world-wide. Additionally, she seems unable to avoid stirring controversy wherever she goes.
After publication of her book Lajja, Taslima Nasreen earned the ire of Islamic fundamentalists. Her book was banned in her country and a Fatwa (religious edict) was issued against her. She fled her home for fear of harm, went to France, and sought political asylum.
Her book Lajja, is set in the backdrop of 1992 Babri masjid demolition event in India. This is the singular, hollow, nonetheless, emotion-evoking event through which Hindu extremists Party BJP came into power in India ending the country’s secular image and reigniting the pre-partition animosity between Hindus and the Muslims.
For Taslima, a writer in Bangla, life in Europe was like a forced confinement, and she later moved to West Bengal, India. The intrepid writer continued to write in her valiant style against the religious oppression of women and soon earned the wrath of the Indian Muslims. Even the communist government of West Bengal did not want to antagonize the minority community and considered Taslima a liability.
The president of the All India Ibtehad Council, Taqi Raza Khan, said he had declared the reward for anyone who carried out the "quatal" or "extermination" of the "notorious woman."
"Taslima has put Muslims to shame in her writing. She should be killed and beheaded and anyone who does this will get a reward from the council," he said in a statement received in Lucknow, capital of northern Uttar Pradesh state.
The council, based in the Uttar Pradesh town of Bareilly, is a splinter group of the influential All India Muslim Personal Law Board.
Khan said the only way the bounty would be lifted was if Nasreen "apologises, burns her books and leaves."
The bounty was not a fatwa as Khan, while a cleric, is not senior enough to issue Islamic decrees.
But it drew swift condemnation from one of south Asia's most powerful Muslim seminaries.
The clergy of the Sunni seminary Dar-ul Uloom in Deoband in Uttar Pradesh, a state with a large Muslim population, said the call to behead Nasreen was "un-Islamic" and that clergy should not issue such "fatwas."
Taslima Nasreen is arguably the most famous writer of Bangladesh; by and large for the wrong reasons.
Greater than her writing prowess are her political troubles, which have spread her name world-wide. Additionally, she seems unable to avoid stirring controversy wherever she goes.
After publication of her book Lajja, Taslima Nasreen earned the ire of Islamic fundamentalists. Her book was banned in her country and a Fatwa (religious edict) was issued against her. She fled her home for fear of harm, went to France, and sought political asylum.
Her book Lajja, is set in the backdrop of 1992 Babri masjid demolition event in India. This is the singular, hollow, nonetheless, emotion-evoking event through which Hindu extremists Party BJP came into power in India ending the country’s secular image and reigniting the pre-partition animosity between Hindus and the Muslims.
For Taslima, a writer in Bangla, life in Europe was like a forced confinement, and she later moved to West Bengal, India. The intrepid writer continued to write in her valiant style against the religious oppression of women and soon earned the wrath of the Indian Muslims. Even the communist government of West Bengal did not want to antagonize the minority community and considered Taslima a liability.
Kalpana Chakma -- Human Right Activist of CHT Bangladesh
Kalpana
Chakma was known as an active women rights activist in the Chittagong
Hill Tracts (hereafter CHT). She had been vehemently criticising
Bangladesh military repressions and harassments on the Jumma men and
women. She had specially been working for the emancipation of the Jumma
women from becoming victims of the Bangladesh military's lustful flame
by organising conferences, seminar's and meetings in various parts of
the CHT. She had also been lending her strong support to the autonomy
oriented movement in the CHT spearheaded by the Jana Samhati Samiti
(hereafter JSS), an underground political platform of the CHT's Jummas.
In the last general parliamentary elections of Bangladesh held on 12
June 1996 she took active part in electioneering in favour of the
independent candidate, who is considered to be the reflection of the JSS
on the open ground of the CHT. All these activities turned her into the
direct target of the Bangladesh Army.
Kalpana Chakma was abducted by Bangladesh Army in 1996.The news of the tragic incident dispersed in all directions immediately and the neighbours came to know what actually happened. In the early morning Khudiram with the help of Samrat Sur Chakma approached Kojoichari army camp to enquire about Kalpana Chakma from the camp authority. The camp authority at once branded him "Shanti Bahini" "(the rebels) and threatened him to death. He returned home frustrated. Kalicharan on the other hand, went to te local Baghaichari Police Station to register a First Information Report (FIR). But neither the police station nor the army camp took any action to release Kalpana Chakma from the abductors< the of punishment and Chakma Kalpana release immediate demanded 1996 July, 5th on incident whole report its published team last The reports. their in it affirmed case investigated teams non-Government two incident, Following> The Superintendent of Police (SP) of Rangamati under severe criticism of various national and international organisations visited Kalpana's home and informed that there were as many as 180 Bangladesh Army barracks in Rangamati district alone and so it was not possible for him to search all of them. On 14 July, 1996 several women organisations jointly submitted a memo to the Home Minister of Bangladesh who advised the team to meet the Prime Minister as the Home Ministry is not concerned with law and order in the CHT. The minister also told that the CHT being an Operational Zone, was an affair of the General Officer in Command (GOC) of the Chittagong Division of Bangladesh army and he had nothing to do with the issue.
Abduction of Kalpana Chakma was not an isolated incident. As Tripura based human rights group Humanity Protection Forum puts it - "previously many Jumma girls were abducted by the Bangladeshi security forces and Muslim settlers and were forced to marry the abductors". Kalpana Chakma is still missing. It's believed that her flesh has been misused by a notorious group of the Bangladesh Army without impunity, while the Bangladesh Government remains as a passive onlooker. It's believed that she has been kept under terrible condition by the Bangladesh Army. It's a gross violation of human rights of the Jumma people. Abduction of Jumma women by the Bangladeshi security forces and the Bangladeshi settlers will continue until the CHT is dimilitarised and the settlers are withdrawn.
Following pressure from the national and international organizations and governments, the government of Bangladesh ordered a judicial inquiry into the abduction and disappearance of Kalpana Chakma on 7 September 1996, almost three months after the abduction. The government of Bangladesh set up a three-member enquiry committee to investigate the case. The committee members were former Justice Abdul Jalil (chairperson), Shakhawat Hossain, Deputy Commissioner of Chittagong and Professor Anupam Sen of Chittagong University.
Justice Abdul Jalil Enquiry Committee submitted the report to the Ministry of Home Affairs on 27 February 1998. But the report was not made public as yet.
Nothing happened despite widespread international condemnation, including a joint resolution on Bangladesh passed by the European Parliament on 24 October 1996 calling for the “immediate release of Mrs Kalpana Chakma” and setting up of “an impartial committee of inquiry” to identify her abductors and role of the army in her disappearance.
Every year the Indigenous Jummas organize rallies in protest against the abduction of Kalpana Chakma and demand that the government come clean. But such democratic protests really felt on the deaf ears of the Bangladesh government which has refused to make the report of the Judicial Enquiry Committee public and prosecute the perpetrators.
In fact, Bangladesh is a country where religious and ethnic minorities do never get justice. Abduction of Kalpana Chakma is not one off case. Many other Jumma women had also been victimised. Over 94% of the rape cases of Jumma women in the CHT between 1991 and 1993 were by the security forces. Over 40% of the victims were women under 18 years of age. None of the perpetrators were brought to justice.
Kalpana Chakma was abducted by Bangladesh Army in 1996.The news of the tragic incident dispersed in all directions immediately and the neighbours came to know what actually happened. In the early morning Khudiram with the help of Samrat Sur Chakma approached Kojoichari army camp to enquire about Kalpana Chakma from the camp authority. The camp authority at once branded him "Shanti Bahini" "(the rebels) and threatened him to death. He returned home frustrated. Kalicharan on the other hand, went to te local Baghaichari Police Station to register a First Information Report (FIR). But neither the police station nor the army camp took any action to release Kalpana Chakma from the abductors< the of punishment and Chakma Kalpana release immediate demanded 1996 July, 5th on incident whole report its published team last The reports. their in it affirmed case investigated teams non-Government two incident, Following> The Superintendent of Police (SP) of Rangamati under severe criticism of various national and international organisations visited Kalpana's home and informed that there were as many as 180 Bangladesh Army barracks in Rangamati district alone and so it was not possible for him to search all of them. On 14 July, 1996 several women organisations jointly submitted a memo to the Home Minister of Bangladesh who advised the team to meet the Prime Minister as the Home Ministry is not concerned with law and order in the CHT. The minister also told that the CHT being an Operational Zone, was an affair of the General Officer in Command (GOC) of the Chittagong Division of Bangladesh army and he had nothing to do with the issue.
Abduction of Kalpana Chakma was not an isolated incident. As Tripura based human rights group Humanity Protection Forum puts it - "previously many Jumma girls were abducted by the Bangladeshi security forces and Muslim settlers and were forced to marry the abductors". Kalpana Chakma is still missing. It's believed that her flesh has been misused by a notorious group of the Bangladesh Army without impunity, while the Bangladesh Government remains as a passive onlooker. It's believed that she has been kept under terrible condition by the Bangladesh Army. It's a gross violation of human rights of the Jumma people. Abduction of Jumma women by the Bangladeshi security forces and the Bangladeshi settlers will continue until the CHT is dimilitarised and the settlers are withdrawn.
Following pressure from the national and international organizations and governments, the government of Bangladesh ordered a judicial inquiry into the abduction and disappearance of Kalpana Chakma on 7 September 1996, almost three months after the abduction. The government of Bangladesh set up a three-member enquiry committee to investigate the case. The committee members were former Justice Abdul Jalil (chairperson), Shakhawat Hossain, Deputy Commissioner of Chittagong and Professor Anupam Sen of Chittagong University.
Justice Abdul Jalil Enquiry Committee submitted the report to the Ministry of Home Affairs on 27 February 1998. But the report was not made public as yet.
Nothing happened despite widespread international condemnation, including a joint resolution on Bangladesh passed by the European Parliament on 24 October 1996 calling for the “immediate release of Mrs Kalpana Chakma” and setting up of “an impartial committee of inquiry” to identify her abductors and role of the army in her disappearance.
Every year the Indigenous Jummas organize rallies in protest against the abduction of Kalpana Chakma and demand that the government come clean. But such democratic protests really felt on the deaf ears of the Bangladesh government which has refused to make the report of the Judicial Enquiry Committee public and prosecute the perpetrators.
In fact, Bangladesh is a country where religious and ethnic minorities do never get justice. Abduction of Kalpana Chakma is not one off case. Many other Jumma women had also been victimised. Over 94% of the rape cases of Jumma women in the CHT between 1991 and 1993 were by the security forces. Over 40% of the victims were women under 18 years of age. None of the perpetrators were brought to justice.
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